International relations, especially in the Middle East, will define our generation's period in history. This study focuses on the sociopolitical and historical influences on the foreign policy decisions and intelligence actions of Iran, Israel, and Saudi Arabia. By understanding the culture of these diverse nations in the Middle East, we can better understand the region and and the way it chooses to influence the world.
The study of foreign languages is important in a globalized world. The study of foreign languages in Albania depends on the political, economic and diplomatic context of the country. When Albania was a communist country, Russian was the most spoken language in the country because the Soviet Union was the dominant country in the Eastern European communist bloc. After the fall of communism, Russian lost its influence and was replaced by English. The linguistic policy of the Albanian Government is influenced by the European Linguistic policy, as a kind of supranational policy. But, the study of languages depends also on personal reasons like to study, work and live abroad, travel and many other subjective reasons. Anyway, the study of foreign languages is interesting because it connects us to other cultures and people.
Turkish foreign policy faced a paradigmatic transformation in foreign policy as well as domestic politics with respect to mentality, identity, style and rhetoric under Justice and Development Party (JDP-Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi-Ak Party) rule. This study also evaluates Turkey’s Middle East policy within the framework of public diplomacy under JDP governments. The ruling party initiated its Middle Eastern policy by highlighting its Muslim identity. Islamic identity opened space for Turkey in its Middle East policy on one hand, while it built the cultural foundation of racing to the top with a Turkey-inspired Islamic model through the country story rhetoric of the public diplomacy in the Muslim world. This public diplomacy and soft power was the most authentic aspect of the AKP government in foreign policy and implemented successfully between 2003-2011 in general and the soft power momentum of Turkey took place particularly between 2005-2010. However, as of 2011, that is with the Arab Spring process, the relations particularly with Syria came to a point of conflict from the soft power peak and it ended up with the fall of soft power in the Turkish foreign policy.
This book is regarded as the first broadest comparative study to date on modern contract and sales law in the Middle Eastern and Arab countries. In order to do this several sources have been referred to including the most recent scholarship published by different Middle Eastern and Arab authors within the Northern African, the Middle Eastern and Gulf regions. The book also includes a large number of court decisions in the Middle Eastern and Arab countries. The work exhibits the methodology and solutions developed by the Middle Eastern and Arab laws, including those of Islamic law (Shari'a), in the context of a comparative practical approach in order to respond to particular situations relating to the sales contract. This book endeavors to play a major role in legal scholarship in the area of contract and sales law in the Middle Eastern and Arab countries. The method used should be fruitful for any legal researcher and practitioner seeking a clear-cut and direct legal solution to any of the issues covered within the scope of this work.
Turkey is a natural energy bridge between the European energy market and the energy rich regions of the Middle East, the Caucasus, Central Asia and Russia, and it fully intends to use this geo-strategic position to its advantage and become a major regional energy hub. This goal shapes its foreign policy making it more pragmatic and resulting in a regional opening as well. The changes in its foreign policy due to energy interests are apparent in the case of Turkish-Russian relations. Through this case study, this thesis seeks to explain the foreign policy of energy transit countries better by introducing energy considerations as an addition to existing explanations for foreign policy change. The argument presented here is that recent Turkish-Russian rapprochement is partly the result of changed Turkish foreign policy posture due to energy transit considerations.
A brief definition of foreign policy can be given as “the sum of official external relations conducted by an independent actor, usually a state in international relations”. Foreign policy is also seen as attempts by governments to influence or manage events outside the state’s boundaries. Foreign policy is constituted by two fundamental elements: the objectives of a state and the means required for their accomplishment. This book has examined the role of parliament in general as is outlined in the constitution of any state and analyzed whether the Legislature as the elected arm of government has a role in the process of foreign policy formulation and how it has executed this role. Although the study is on the Kenyan Parliament, it has also analyzed other Parliaments or their equivalent across the world for a comparative understanding. Legislation by Parliament in Kenya began about a century ago. Previously, it had wholly been done in the United Kingdom conveyed Orders-in-Council. The Kenyan Parliament’s voice has become more and more vocal over the years. This study concentrates on the period after 1999 because it was the start of a relatively democratic parliament.
The main purpose of this study tackles the Kurdish question on Turkish Foreign Policy due to external and domestic challenges under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government. By doing this, it explores what aspects/consequences of Turkish Foreign Policy have been affected by the Kurdish question. In this context, as title makes sense of importance of this study is to explore and analyse the Kurdish policy of the AKP government and its impacts on Turkish Foreign Policy in last decade. In this way, this study will deal with both the Kurdish policy of the AKP government and historical development process of the Kurdish movement in the Middle East. Further to this, it discusses the drastic changes of the Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East focusing on the Kurdish political movement and provides coverage of the contemporary foreign policy strategies and debates on the Kurdish issue which has emerged as a result of the popular uprisings' process.
The impact of Oil on relations between any country''s foreign policy toward the Middle East is a hotly debated issue. Indeed, the world''s fixation and need for this fossil fuel will no doubt lead to a race to consume all existing oil reserves. This book looks at the EU''s policy towards said issue, to assess whether it is indeed acting to achieve the illusive Middle East Peace. The seldom used Quantitative Content Analysis method is employed to test this hypothesis, to further its understanding and to shine a different light on the ''problem''. A Neo- Realist lens is adopted in order to set the parameters of the Content Analysis, as it colludes most with the three elements concerned with this study, being: Security, Energy (Oil) Demand and Power/Influence. Whilst the findings of this analysis are not deeply delved into in this study, more of an emphasis is rested on the formulation of the method, so as to create a greater understanding of the discourse of the results, which in turn adds to a more effective/representative method. Therefore gauging the interest of anyone interested in Middle Eastern policy, as well as those engaged with political research methods.
This thesis uses the concept of middle power to analyse foreign policy doctrine and practicies of Australia under the Coalition government led by John Howard from 1996-2007. A middle power in this thesis means a state which meets three main criteria when declaring foreign policy doctrine and conducting foreign policy, namely: (1) adhering to multilateral frameworks and international organisations; (2) being largely independent from great powers' influence and being able to criticise and oppose great powers on some occasions in order to maintain the orderliness of international relations; and (3) being a good international citizen in the sense that, apart from its own interests, it must also be aware of the interests of others such as protecting the environment and using its power to protect the weak against the strong. When applying these three criteria to analyse foreign policy doctrine and practices under the Howard government, some aspects and some practices corresponded with the criteria of a middle power while others did not at all. Therefore, this thesis concludes that Australia under the Howard government was not a constant middle power.
This study deals with the influence of ideology on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse to be a class of genres defined by a social domain, namely that of politics. As a case study President Barack Obama’s presidential speeches addressing the Middle East were analyzed as an attempt to decipher the ideological manifestations of inclusion and exclusion underlying the US foreign policy towards the Middle East adopting Teun Van Dijk’s framework of the ideological square. The results show that the speeches, when compared with the actions, show a great deal of inconsistency, which justifies the fact that Obama’s policy of change with regards to the Middle East is illusionary, thus, decreasing global credibility in the U.S. administration.
This historical study examines the international dimensions of the Kurdish nationalist struggle in Iraq between 1960 and 1975, with particular reference to the US foreign policy in the context of the Cold War. This study contributes to a better understanding of how the Kurdish struggle fits into the wider historiography of the cold war dynamics and the US foreign policy in the Middle East. It brings to attention how regional powers and the US perceived and handled the ?Kurdish question? based on their respective strategic considerations during this period. It uses declassified US intelligence sources, defense department and foreign relations documents, as well as Kurdish language official sources and memoires. They also help to understand political zigzags of the Iraqi Kurdish leaders (Barzani and his encourage) who, in different periods, attempted to rely on various foreign players and allies who could shore up to reach the vital objective of the Iraqi Kurds, for instance, political and self-governance. This study shows how the Kurdish issue featured in the evolving US foreign policy towards successive governments in Iraq.
The general objective of this book is to examine the effect of Uganda’s foreign policy and its role in the Eastern DRC peace building process. Based on the above general objective, specific research objectives are developed as highlighted below; 1. To examine Uganda’s foreign policy from 1998-2003. 2. To identify strategies adopted by the Ugandan Government in the Eastern DRC peace building process. 3. To identify the various challenges faced by the Ugandan Government in the Eastern DRC peace building process.
Presenting the first comprehensive account of foreign policy objectives as a growing part of European constitutional law, this book examines the nature, functions, and potential of these objectives by approaching EU external relations law through both comparative constitutional analysis and international relations theory.
The book is about a comparative study on the use of intelligence in policing. Focus is on the implementation of intelligence led policing in four countries, namely; the United States of America, United Kingdom, Australia, and South Africa. After an in-depth study of the implementation of the intelligence led policing concept in the United States of America, United Kingdom, Australia and South Africa, the author came up with the intelligence led policing model for South Africa.
Canadian Foreign Policy in a Unipolar World examines the theoretical and practical realities of a unipolar world - a system in which a single power is disproportionally dominant and influential - and asks how it affects Canadian foreign policy.